After some warriors had been killed and wounded, Entinggi called Tindin by the Bukitan word isan1. Tindin was surprise and said, “Why do you address me as isan. Have you got any son?”
Entinggi answered, “Yes. I have a son named Demong. Now let us sit down and try to resolve our misunderstanding peacefully.”
Tindin was glad to hear these gracious words from the headman of his enemy and he agreed to stop fighting and try to reason out their quarrel.
Tindin declared that it would be both wise and proper if Entinggi agreed to a marriage between his son and Tindin’s own daughter in order to restore peace as soon as possible between the Bukitans and the Dayaks. However, Tindin insist that the marriage can be approved if Entinggi agrees to pay him compensation known as drian palit mata or a dowry. The dowry is for the purpose of abolishing racial enmity between the two tribes. Entinggi promptly agreed and said that he had no malice in his heart neither had he any territorial ambition other than to defend the life of his people against the invading Ibans. It was here that the Bukitans first called the Sea Dayaks Iban due to the fact that they were pushing other races out and taking all into their possession.
Entinggi was pleased and agreed to Tindin’s suggestion. He assured him that before long he would pay the drian palit mata as claimed so that his son, Demong would marry Rinda, Tindin’s daughter.
Tindin also felt it would be proper to demand of Entinggi a padi bin full of new heads plus a large brass gong in recognition of his rank as a chief extraordinary authority, who had the right to claim for dowry according to the tradition founded by Serapoh.
Entinggi agreed to all this. At the conclusion of the negotiation he invited Tindin to accompany him to the Paku to see for himself the beauty and fertility of that district. The eager Tindin at once consented and took some of his leading warriors with him. In Paku, Entinggi took Tindin to meet various Bukitan chieftains including Entigu. Tindin found that Entigu and his people were nomads who wandered in the forest while Entinggi and his people were settled down and planted crops for food.
After Tindin had seen the length and width and fertility of the land, he told Entinggi that he was attracted and would like to migrate there with his followers if Entinggi would permit them. The Bukitan chief had no objections so long as the proposed marriage took place.
Entinggi said, “Through this marriage, the future of this country will become the everlasting inheritance of our descendants.”
When all the things including the dowry had been discussed, Tindin asked for further presents as a token of the first marriage between a Dayak and a Bukitan. These includes;
1. One brass cannon
2. One blowpipe
3. One tanggui serawong of the kind worn by high ranking Iban brides especially on the first day they live with their husbands.
Entinggi agreed with all this that a month later the marriage feast was celebrated in Skrang. Rinda was taken by Entinggi to Paku to live with Demong. Not long after this, Tindin migrated to Paku and settled at the Upper Pengar stream near Spaoh. He then moved again to Tanjong Melanyut where he died of old age, greatly mourned by both the Dayaks and the Bukitans. He was buried opposite Nanga Beduru.
A year after her marriage to Demong, Rinda gave birth to a male child. She later had four more children, three boys and one girl named Jawai. Unfortunately Jawai died when she was about fifteen years old. But because of her noble birth, her body was not buried in the ordinary Sea Dayak way. Instead the corpse was placed in a coffin and put on a platform about six feet from the ground to await the decomposition of the flesh. This method of burial was known as lumbong and the site of Jawai’s lumbong is still known although today the practice has disappeared along with the Bukitan people who originated it.
Rinda died shortly after the birth of her youngest child, Bakak. She was killed by a falling rafter during a hurricane and was buried with her father at Nanga Beduru.
After the death of Rinda, Demong remarried. This time he married a Bukitan named Lemia, by whom he had many children. These children afterwards married other Bukitans before they moved into Julau, a left tributary of the Kanowit River of the present Third Division.
Footnotes
1. Isan is an Iban term of address used between parent of children who are married together. [↩]
Monday, September 21, 2009
Sunday, September 13, 2009
Today's Highlight in History
Today is Monday, Sept. 14, the 257th day of 2009. There are 108 days left in the year.
On Sept. 14, 1814, Francis Scott Key was inspired to write a poem after witnessing how Fort McHenry in Maryland had endured a night of British bombardment during the War of 1812; that poem, originally called "Defence of Fort McHenry," later became the lyrics to "The Star-Spangled Banner," the American national anthem.
On this date:
In 1812, the Russians set fire to Moscow in the face of an invasion by Napoleon Bonaparte's troops.
In 1836, former Vice President Aaron Burr died in Staten Island, N.Y., at age 80.
In 1847, during the Mexican-American War, U.S. forces under Gen. Winfield Scott took control of Mexico City.
In 1901, President William McKinley died in Buffalo, N.Y., of gunshot wounds inflicted by an assassin. Vice President Theodore Roosevelt succeeded him.
In 1927, modern dance pioneer Isadora Duncan died in Nice, France, when her scarf became entangled in a wheel of the sports car she was riding in.
In 1948, a groundbreaking ceremony took place in New York at the site of the United Nations' world headquarters.
In 1964, Pope Paul VI opened the third session of the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican, also known as "Vatican II." (The session closed two months later.)
In 1975, Pope Paul VI declared Mother Elizabeth Ann Bayley Seton the first U.S.-born saint.
In 1982, Princess Grace of Monaco, formerly actress Grace Kelly, died at age 52 of injuries from a car crash the day before; Lebanon's president-elect, Bashir Gemayel, was killed by a bomb.
In 1988, Hurricane Gilbert slammed into Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula as a Category 5 storm after forcing thousands of residents to flee.
Ten years ago: Indonesian soldiers looted the abandoned U.N. mission in East Timor, just hours after 110 U.N. personnel and 1,300 East Timorese were evacuated and flown to safety to end a 10-day siege. Hurricane Floyd clobbered the Bahamas, toppling power lines, ripping roofs off homes and pushing a roiling sea into streets before heading toward the southeastern United States.
Five years ago: Guerrillas bombed a Baghdad shopping street full of police recruits and fired on a police van north of the capital, killing some 60 people. President George W. Bush told veterans in Las Vegas he was proud of his time in the Texas Air National Guard as he sought to deflect questions about his Vietnam-era service.
One year ago: Losing its devastating punch as a major hurricane, Ike nevertheless drubbed the Midwest with powerful winds and floodwaters. Carlos Zambrano pitched the first no-hitter for the Chicago Cubs in 36 years, striking out 10 in a 5-0 win over Houston in a game relocated to Milwaukee because of Hurricane Ike.
Today's Birthdays: Actress Zoe Caldwell is 76. Feminist author Kate Millett is 75. Actor Walter Koenig is 73. Charlotte Bobcats coach Larry Brown is 69. Singer-actress Joey Heatherton is 65. Actor Sam Neill is 62. Singer Jon "Bowzer" Bauman (Sha Na Na) is 62. Rock musician Ed King is 60. Rock musician Steve Berlin (Los Lobos) is 54. Country singer-songwriter Beth Nielsen Chapman is 53. Actress Mary Crosby is 50. Singer Morten Harket (a-ha) is 50. Country singer John Berry is 50. Actress Melissa Leo is 49. Actress Faith Ford is 45. Actor Jamie Kaler is 45. Actress Michelle Stafford is 44. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev is 44. Rock musician Mike Cooley (Drive-By Truckers) is 43. Actor Dan Cortese is 41. Contemporary Christian singer Mark Hall is 40. Actor Ben Garant is 39. Rock musician Craig Montoya (Tri Polar) is 39. Actress Kimberly Williams-Paisley is 38. Rapper Nas is 36. Country singer Danielle Peck is 31. Pop singer Ayo is 29. Singer-songwriter Amy Winehouse is 26. Actor Adam Lamberg is 25.
Thought for Today: "America has been called a melting pot, but it seems better to call it a mosaic, for in it each nation, people or race which has come to its shores has been privileged to keep its individuality, contributing at the same time its share to the unified pattern of a new nation." — King Baudouin I of Belgium (1930-1993).
On Sept. 14, 1814, Francis Scott Key was inspired to write a poem after witnessing how Fort McHenry in Maryland had endured a night of British bombardment during the War of 1812; that poem, originally called "Defence of Fort McHenry," later became the lyrics to "The Star-Spangled Banner," the American national anthem.
On this date:
In 1812, the Russians set fire to Moscow in the face of an invasion by Napoleon Bonaparte's troops.
In 1836, former Vice President Aaron Burr died in Staten Island, N.Y., at age 80.
In 1847, during the Mexican-American War, U.S. forces under Gen. Winfield Scott took control of Mexico City.
In 1901, President William McKinley died in Buffalo, N.Y., of gunshot wounds inflicted by an assassin. Vice President Theodore Roosevelt succeeded him.
In 1927, modern dance pioneer Isadora Duncan died in Nice, France, when her scarf became entangled in a wheel of the sports car she was riding in.
In 1948, a groundbreaking ceremony took place in New York at the site of the United Nations' world headquarters.
In 1964, Pope Paul VI opened the third session of the Second Ecumenical Council of the Vatican, also known as "Vatican II." (The session closed two months later.)
In 1975, Pope Paul VI declared Mother Elizabeth Ann Bayley Seton the first U.S.-born saint.
In 1982, Princess Grace of Monaco, formerly actress Grace Kelly, died at age 52 of injuries from a car crash the day before; Lebanon's president-elect, Bashir Gemayel, was killed by a bomb.
In 1988, Hurricane Gilbert slammed into Mexico's Yucatan Peninsula as a Category 5 storm after forcing thousands of residents to flee.
Ten years ago: Indonesian soldiers looted the abandoned U.N. mission in East Timor, just hours after 110 U.N. personnel and 1,300 East Timorese were evacuated and flown to safety to end a 10-day siege. Hurricane Floyd clobbered the Bahamas, toppling power lines, ripping roofs off homes and pushing a roiling sea into streets before heading toward the southeastern United States.
Five years ago: Guerrillas bombed a Baghdad shopping street full of police recruits and fired on a police van north of the capital, killing some 60 people. President George W. Bush told veterans in Las Vegas he was proud of his time in the Texas Air National Guard as he sought to deflect questions about his Vietnam-era service.
One year ago: Losing its devastating punch as a major hurricane, Ike nevertheless drubbed the Midwest with powerful winds and floodwaters. Carlos Zambrano pitched the first no-hitter for the Chicago Cubs in 36 years, striking out 10 in a 5-0 win over Houston in a game relocated to Milwaukee because of Hurricane Ike.
Today's Birthdays: Actress Zoe Caldwell is 76. Feminist author Kate Millett is 75. Actor Walter Koenig is 73. Charlotte Bobcats coach Larry Brown is 69. Singer-actress Joey Heatherton is 65. Actor Sam Neill is 62. Singer Jon "Bowzer" Bauman (Sha Na Na) is 62. Rock musician Ed King is 60. Rock musician Steve Berlin (Los Lobos) is 54. Country singer-songwriter Beth Nielsen Chapman is 53. Actress Mary Crosby is 50. Singer Morten Harket (a-ha) is 50. Country singer John Berry is 50. Actress Melissa Leo is 49. Actress Faith Ford is 45. Actor Jamie Kaler is 45. Actress Michelle Stafford is 44. Russian President Dmitry Medvedev is 44. Rock musician Mike Cooley (Drive-By Truckers) is 43. Actor Dan Cortese is 41. Contemporary Christian singer Mark Hall is 40. Actor Ben Garant is 39. Rock musician Craig Montoya (Tri Polar) is 39. Actress Kimberly Williams-Paisley is 38. Rapper Nas is 36. Country singer Danielle Peck is 31. Pop singer Ayo is 29. Singer-songwriter Amy Winehouse is 26. Actor Adam Lamberg is 25.
Thought for Today: "America has been called a melting pot, but it seems better to call it a mosaic, for in it each nation, people or race which has come to its shores has been privileged to keep its individuality, contributing at the same time its share to the unified pattern of a new nation." — King Baudouin I of Belgium (1930-1993).
Sunday, September 6, 2009
MITOS: PECAHKAN..Hissamudin Rais
Dalam negara kita ada beberapa mitos yang disebarkan. Pada ketika mitos ini disebarkan ramai warga negara kita belum bersekolah. Maka mitos ini di terima bulat-bulat. Penyebaran mitos ini memang bertujuan untuk membodohkan kita semua. Tetapi dengan adanya internet kita dapat memecahkan mitos-mitos ini melaui pengkajian berdasarkan fakta-fakta.
DARI JELEBU oleh Hishamuddin Rais
Mitos ialah naratif yang dibuat bertujuan untuk memesongkan hakikat.
Contoh mitos : Raja di katakan jelmaan tuhan. Ini adalah mitos bertujuan untuk membodohkan kaum tani agar mereka memberikan tanamanmereka pada satu kumpulan manusia yang malas bekerja. Mitos ini berpanjangan dan ditokok tambah lepas satu – satu lagi ditambah. Hakikatnya mitos raja dari muntah lembu atau raja jelmaan tuhan bertujuan untuk menipu. Walhal antara raja dengan sesiapa sahaja tidak ada bezanya. Yang melahirkan perbezaan hanyalah mitos.
Contoh mitos : Pokok itu berhantu. Pokok itu wujud dan dapat dilihat dan dibuktikan. Tetapi hantu itu tidak wujud. Mitos hantu diwujudkan untuk menakut-nakut. Apabila kita takut maka kita akan mencari perlindungan. Peranan untuk melindungi kita dari hantu ialah bomoh dan dukun. Akhirnya kita tunduk pada kuasa bomoh dan dukun.
Mitos diwujudkan untuk tujuan baik dan tujuan jahat. Jangan pergi didalam gua ini ada hantu - adalah nasehat yang bersalurkan penakutan. Nasihat ini baik kerana cuba menjaga keselamatan. Ianya juga tidak baiak kerana asasnya satu pembohongan.
Hari ini mitos masih cuba di wujudkan – tetapi agak susah. Dengan kemajuan ilmu tidak ramai yang akan mempercayai mitos-mitos baru yang hendak direka. Mitos seperti angkasawan Neil Armstrong turun ke bulan terdengar suara azan. Atau mitos Bruce Lee mati kerana bersilat dengan Dicky Zulkarnain – semua ini cuba disebarkan untuk menjadi bahan lawak jenaka.
Tujuan asal mitos ialah untuk membodohkan dalam masa yang sama menakut-nakutkan orang ramai. Kalau Raja Jepun berasal Tuhan maka diharapkan rakyat Jepun akan tunduk – walhal kalau Raja Jepun ini makan petai – kencing dia tetap haring. Kalau Prince Charles tercirit baunya tetap busuk.
Lawan mitos ialah fakta. Fakta dapat dibuktikan melalui pengkajian. Ilmu pengetahuan manusia datang dari fakta dan pemikiran manusia. Semua ilmu dalam dunia ini berpunca dari tiga sumber. Pertama : Pengumpulan pengalamnan. Kedua: Kaji selidik. Ketiga : Ujian dalam bilik makmal.
Mitos ini akan pecah jika kita berfikir secara rasional. Kajian ilmiah akan dapat membuktikan sama ada ianya mitos atau fakta. Jika sesutu masih dalam kajian dan belum dapat dibuktikan betul atau slah maka ianya masih di tahap teori. Satu ketika dahulu Letupan Besar/ Bing Bang hanya satu teori – hari ini telah diterima sebagai fakta. Teori menjadi fakta apabila kajian dapat dibuktikan teori ini.
Ilmu pengetahuan adalah pengumpulan pengalaman manusia dari satu zaman ke satu zaman. Buruk atau baik pengalaman ini akan menjadi panduan. Panduan ini adalah ilmu pengetahuan. Ada ilmu pengetahuan yang turun dari mulut ke mulut. Ada yang dibukukan.
Dalam negara kita ada beberapa mitos yang disebarkan. Pada ketika mitos ini disebarkan ramai warga negara kita belum bersekolah. Maka mitos ini di terima bulat-bulat. Penyebaran mitos ini memang bertujuan untuk membodohkan kita semua. Tetapi dengan adanya internet kita dapat memecahkan mitos-mitos ini melaui pengkajian berdasarkan fakta-fakta..
MITOS PERTAMA:
Hari Malaysia bukan pada 31 Ogos tetapi 16 September. BOHING. Sabah ,Serawak, Singapura danPesekutuan Tanah Melayu menjadi PersekutuanMalaysia pada 16 September 1963. Singapura meninggalkan Malaysia pada9 Ogos 1965. Tidak percaya sila tanya orang Sabah dan Serawak.
MITOS KE DUA :
Merdeka dimulakan oleh United Malays National Organisation. BOHONG. Parti yang awal memperjuangan dan melaugkan slogan MERDEKA ialahKesatuan Melayu Muda di tubuh pada 1938. United Malays NationalOrganisation belum wujud lagi. Apabila wujud slogan United Malays National Organisation ialah HIDUP MELAYU dan bukan MERDEKA !
MITOS KE TIGA :
Kemerdekaan didapati tanpa tumpah darah. BOHONG. Parti Komunis Malaya, Angkatan Pemuda Insap, Anakatan Wanita Sedar, Hisbul Musliman, Peta, Malayan Democtaric Union, KMM dan ribuan warga telah bangun mengangkat senjata – pada mulanya melawan Jepun – kemudian melawan British. Tanpa angkat senjata British tidak akan undur.
MITOS KE EMPAT :
Lagu Negara-Ku dikatakan lagu kebangsaan kita. BOHONG. Lagi ini bukan ciptaan warga Tanah Melayu. Peciptanya orang Peranchis bernama Pierre Jean de Beranger (1780-1857) Nama asal ialah Memula Moon. Bertukar menjadi Terang Bulan. Di zaman Konfrontasi - Radio Repuklik Indonesia memainkan lagu ini untuk mengejek Tunku yang dianggap budak suruhan
British. Dari Terang Bulan menjadi Negara-ku.
MITOS KE LIMA :
Bendera Jalur Gemilang – namanya baru 5 tahun. Ini adalah tiruan bulatbulat dari bendera Amerika Syarikat yang bernama Star Spangled–Banner, Stars and Stripes dan Old Glory. Nama jalur gemilang pun diciplak dari nama bendera Amerika. Buktinya lihat Jalur Gemilang tidak
ada motif Nusantara/Melayu – warna merah dan puteh adalah motif Nusantara - merah darah rakyat - puteh hati rakyat.Motif Nusantara ini wujud dalam bendera Singapura dan Indonesia.
MITOS KE ENAM :
Wujud perpaduan Melayu. BOHONG. Tidak ada perpaduan Melayu. Tidak pernah terjadi perpadun Melayu semenjak konsep Melayu itu wujud. Tidak mungkin adanya perpaduan Melayu seperti mustahilnya lahir perpaduan China, perpaduan Arab, perpaduan Itali , perpaduan India.
Mito perpaduan Melayu bergerak dengan menakut-nakutkan orang Melayu dari di’telan’ oleh China dan India. Apabila Melayu jadi takut maka akan datang pembantu. Seperti mitos pokok ada hantu. Orang kampong takut pada hantu lalu memanggil bomoh untuk menghalau hantu. Ini cara klasik mitos bergerak. Takut-takut orang ramai. Apabila orang ramai takut maka mereka akan mencari perlindungan. Maka muncul United Malays National Organisation menjadi perlindung walhal yang menimbulkan kerena gerombolan ini.
MITOS KE TUJUH:
Malaysia negara unik. BOHONG. Mitos ini disebarkan untuk membodohkan rakyat negara ini yang malas membaca dan hanya suka mendengar. Mitos ini bertujun untuk menunjukkan hanya gerombolan United Malays National Organisation sahaja yang dapat memerintah kerana Malaysia unik.
Hakikatnya Malaysia tidak unik – bukan Malaysia sahaja dalam dunia ini yang berbilang kaum , yang berbilang bahasa, pelbagai agama dan budaya. Tidak ada negara yang monolith dalam dunia ini – semua ada kepelbagian. Setiap negara dalam dunia ini ada kepelbagaian.
TEKNOLOJI PECAHKAN MITOS
Lihatlah betapa teknoloji dan ilmu pengetahuan telah memecahkan mitos-mitos ini. Betapa internet telah membolehkan kita bersama-sama mencari fakta dan menilai dokumen sejarah.
Kalau dulu kita tidak tahu asal usul lagu Negara-ku – hari ini gambar dan riwayat hidup pembuat lagi ini kita kenali. Kalau dulu ada yang menerima mitos tentang kemedekaan dicapai tanpa tumpah darah. Hari ini mitos ini telah terbarai pecah. Dokument-dokumen sejarah semuanya boleh kita baca melaui internet.
Kemajuan manusia akan terus memecahkan mitos mitos yang lapuk dan berkarat ini. Teknoloji akan membebaskan manusia dari di perangkap dan di belenggu oleh mitos-mitos. Tanpa mitos manusia akan jadi berani. Insan yang berani bebas adalah insan yang berfikir. Manusia yang berfikir tidak akan tunduk kepada sesipa kecuali fikrahnya yang rasional.
DARI JELEBU oleh Hishamuddin Rais
Mitos ialah naratif yang dibuat bertujuan untuk memesongkan hakikat.
Contoh mitos : Raja di katakan jelmaan tuhan. Ini adalah mitos bertujuan untuk membodohkan kaum tani agar mereka memberikan tanamanmereka pada satu kumpulan manusia yang malas bekerja. Mitos ini berpanjangan dan ditokok tambah lepas satu – satu lagi ditambah. Hakikatnya mitos raja dari muntah lembu atau raja jelmaan tuhan bertujuan untuk menipu. Walhal antara raja dengan sesiapa sahaja tidak ada bezanya. Yang melahirkan perbezaan hanyalah mitos.
Contoh mitos : Pokok itu berhantu. Pokok itu wujud dan dapat dilihat dan dibuktikan. Tetapi hantu itu tidak wujud. Mitos hantu diwujudkan untuk menakut-nakut. Apabila kita takut maka kita akan mencari perlindungan. Peranan untuk melindungi kita dari hantu ialah bomoh dan dukun. Akhirnya kita tunduk pada kuasa bomoh dan dukun.
Mitos diwujudkan untuk tujuan baik dan tujuan jahat. Jangan pergi didalam gua ini ada hantu - adalah nasehat yang bersalurkan penakutan. Nasihat ini baik kerana cuba menjaga keselamatan. Ianya juga tidak baiak kerana asasnya satu pembohongan.
Hari ini mitos masih cuba di wujudkan – tetapi agak susah. Dengan kemajuan ilmu tidak ramai yang akan mempercayai mitos-mitos baru yang hendak direka. Mitos seperti angkasawan Neil Armstrong turun ke bulan terdengar suara azan. Atau mitos Bruce Lee mati kerana bersilat dengan Dicky Zulkarnain – semua ini cuba disebarkan untuk menjadi bahan lawak jenaka.
Tujuan asal mitos ialah untuk membodohkan dalam masa yang sama menakut-nakutkan orang ramai. Kalau Raja Jepun berasal Tuhan maka diharapkan rakyat Jepun akan tunduk – walhal kalau Raja Jepun ini makan petai – kencing dia tetap haring. Kalau Prince Charles tercirit baunya tetap busuk.
Lawan mitos ialah fakta. Fakta dapat dibuktikan melalui pengkajian. Ilmu pengetahuan manusia datang dari fakta dan pemikiran manusia. Semua ilmu dalam dunia ini berpunca dari tiga sumber. Pertama : Pengumpulan pengalamnan. Kedua: Kaji selidik. Ketiga : Ujian dalam bilik makmal.
Mitos ini akan pecah jika kita berfikir secara rasional. Kajian ilmiah akan dapat membuktikan sama ada ianya mitos atau fakta. Jika sesutu masih dalam kajian dan belum dapat dibuktikan betul atau slah maka ianya masih di tahap teori. Satu ketika dahulu Letupan Besar/ Bing Bang hanya satu teori – hari ini telah diterima sebagai fakta. Teori menjadi fakta apabila kajian dapat dibuktikan teori ini.
Ilmu pengetahuan adalah pengumpulan pengalaman manusia dari satu zaman ke satu zaman. Buruk atau baik pengalaman ini akan menjadi panduan. Panduan ini adalah ilmu pengetahuan. Ada ilmu pengetahuan yang turun dari mulut ke mulut. Ada yang dibukukan.
Dalam negara kita ada beberapa mitos yang disebarkan. Pada ketika mitos ini disebarkan ramai warga negara kita belum bersekolah. Maka mitos ini di terima bulat-bulat. Penyebaran mitos ini memang bertujuan untuk membodohkan kita semua. Tetapi dengan adanya internet kita dapat memecahkan mitos-mitos ini melaui pengkajian berdasarkan fakta-fakta..
MITOS PERTAMA:
Hari Malaysia bukan pada 31 Ogos tetapi 16 September. BOHING. Sabah ,Serawak, Singapura danPesekutuan Tanah Melayu menjadi PersekutuanMalaysia pada 16 September 1963. Singapura meninggalkan Malaysia pada9 Ogos 1965. Tidak percaya sila tanya orang Sabah dan Serawak.
MITOS KE DUA :
Merdeka dimulakan oleh United Malays National Organisation. BOHONG. Parti yang awal memperjuangan dan melaugkan slogan MERDEKA ialahKesatuan Melayu Muda di tubuh pada 1938. United Malays NationalOrganisation belum wujud lagi. Apabila wujud slogan United Malays National Organisation ialah HIDUP MELAYU dan bukan MERDEKA !
MITOS KE TIGA :
Kemerdekaan didapati tanpa tumpah darah. BOHONG. Parti Komunis Malaya, Angkatan Pemuda Insap, Anakatan Wanita Sedar, Hisbul Musliman, Peta, Malayan Democtaric Union, KMM dan ribuan warga telah bangun mengangkat senjata – pada mulanya melawan Jepun – kemudian melawan British. Tanpa angkat senjata British tidak akan undur.
MITOS KE EMPAT :
Lagu Negara-Ku dikatakan lagu kebangsaan kita. BOHONG. Lagi ini bukan ciptaan warga Tanah Melayu. Peciptanya orang Peranchis bernama Pierre Jean de Beranger (1780-1857) Nama asal ialah Memula Moon. Bertukar menjadi Terang Bulan. Di zaman Konfrontasi - Radio Repuklik Indonesia memainkan lagu ini untuk mengejek Tunku yang dianggap budak suruhan
British. Dari Terang Bulan menjadi Negara-ku.
MITOS KE LIMA :
Bendera Jalur Gemilang – namanya baru 5 tahun. Ini adalah tiruan bulatbulat dari bendera Amerika Syarikat yang bernama Star Spangled–Banner, Stars and Stripes dan Old Glory. Nama jalur gemilang pun diciplak dari nama bendera Amerika. Buktinya lihat Jalur Gemilang tidak
ada motif Nusantara/Melayu – warna merah dan puteh adalah motif Nusantara - merah darah rakyat - puteh hati rakyat.Motif Nusantara ini wujud dalam bendera Singapura dan Indonesia.
MITOS KE ENAM :
Wujud perpaduan Melayu. BOHONG. Tidak ada perpaduan Melayu. Tidak pernah terjadi perpadun Melayu semenjak konsep Melayu itu wujud. Tidak mungkin adanya perpaduan Melayu seperti mustahilnya lahir perpaduan China, perpaduan Arab, perpaduan Itali , perpaduan India.
Mito perpaduan Melayu bergerak dengan menakut-nakutkan orang Melayu dari di’telan’ oleh China dan India. Apabila Melayu jadi takut maka akan datang pembantu. Seperti mitos pokok ada hantu. Orang kampong takut pada hantu lalu memanggil bomoh untuk menghalau hantu. Ini cara klasik mitos bergerak. Takut-takut orang ramai. Apabila orang ramai takut maka mereka akan mencari perlindungan. Maka muncul United Malays National Organisation menjadi perlindung walhal yang menimbulkan kerena gerombolan ini.
MITOS KE TUJUH:
Malaysia negara unik. BOHONG. Mitos ini disebarkan untuk membodohkan rakyat negara ini yang malas membaca dan hanya suka mendengar. Mitos ini bertujun untuk menunjukkan hanya gerombolan United Malays National Organisation sahaja yang dapat memerintah kerana Malaysia unik.
Hakikatnya Malaysia tidak unik – bukan Malaysia sahaja dalam dunia ini yang berbilang kaum , yang berbilang bahasa, pelbagai agama dan budaya. Tidak ada negara yang monolith dalam dunia ini – semua ada kepelbagian. Setiap negara dalam dunia ini ada kepelbagaian.
TEKNOLOJI PECAHKAN MITOS
Lihatlah betapa teknoloji dan ilmu pengetahuan telah memecahkan mitos-mitos ini. Betapa internet telah membolehkan kita bersama-sama mencari fakta dan menilai dokumen sejarah.
Kalau dulu kita tidak tahu asal usul lagu Negara-ku – hari ini gambar dan riwayat hidup pembuat lagi ini kita kenali. Kalau dulu ada yang menerima mitos tentang kemedekaan dicapai tanpa tumpah darah. Hari ini mitos ini telah terbarai pecah. Dokument-dokumen sejarah semuanya boleh kita baca melaui internet.
Kemajuan manusia akan terus memecahkan mitos mitos yang lapuk dan berkarat ini. Teknoloji akan membebaskan manusia dari di perangkap dan di belenggu oleh mitos-mitos. Tanpa mitos manusia akan jadi berani. Insan yang berani bebas adalah insan yang berfikir. Manusia yang berfikir tidak akan tunduk kepada sesipa kecuali fikrahnya yang rasional.
Saturday, August 29, 2009
Idris Jala:A minister reporting to a minister
There is nothing wrong with Najib's move to appoint Idris Jala as a Minister. Although, Idris probably is not the best CEO Malaysia Airlines ever had, he did fairly well. Despite his rather unexciting HR background, he made waves as a corporate leader. The likes of Tony Fernandes created tsunamis, but Idris Jala just needed to be impactful enough for the PM to stand up and take notice.
What people don't understand is why the Government needs another Minister to look at this thing called KPI. And why is this Minister answerable to another Minister, whose performance thus far has been far from impressive.
"The public is confused here," one of my regular correspondents from abroad pointed out. Najib needs to appoint more professionals to his Cabinet to help him realise the nation's Vision, but as the correspondence has it, "The execution of this strategy could have been better."
What people don't understand is why the Government needs another Minister to look at this thing called KPI. And why is this Minister answerable to another Minister, whose performance thus far has been far from impressive.
"The public is confused here," one of my regular correspondents from abroad pointed out. Najib needs to appoint more professionals to his Cabinet to help him realise the nation's Vision, but as the correspondence has it, "The execution of this strategy could have been better."
Thursday, August 27, 2009
A SARAWAK PARTY IN WEST MALAYSIA
In this open spate of verbal boxing between MCA president and Transport Minister Ong Tee Keat and Bintulu MP and BN Backbenchers Club chairman Tiong King Sing, Ong has alluded to the plan by a multiracial party from Sarawak to enter into the fray in West Malaysia.
Ong’s revelation must have alarmed more than a few MCA members. MCA has lost a great deal of electoral real estate to the Pakatan Rakyat coalition in the general election last year. A multi-racial party from Sarawak could serve as a sanctuary for disaffected leaders and members, thereby weakening the MCA even more.
This revelation was confirmed by Tiong himself the next day. A Sarawak party in Peninsular Malaysia would offer an alternative for BN supporters who are unhappy with existing component parties of the BN coalition, according to him.
How credible is this bizarre scheme to bring a Sarawak party to cross the South China Sea to West Malaysla.
Tiong is probably referring to his own party, the Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP), of which he serves as treasurer. This is a splinter party that was formed in the aftermath of the de-registration of the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) in 2002. The party has four members of parliament and eight seats in the 71-seat Sarawak state assembly.
The SPDP is now in talks with another equally rural and equally Dayak-based party the Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) for a merger. The talks are not expected to yield concrete results any time soon because of internal politicking within both parties.
In the eyes of many members of the Dayak intellegentia, both the SPDP and the PRS with eight state seats are the tools used by Parti Persaka Bumiputra Sarawak (PBB) headed by the Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud to divide and rule the Sarawak Dayaks. PBB has 35 seats in the state assembly.
Tiong, a business tycoon who has been given the nickname “BN ATM”, has been known in Sarawak to be the man bankrolling the entire SPDP. In rural Sarawak, politics – especially during general elections – is a costly business beyond the reach of average Sarawakians. In the old days, SNAP used to depend heavily on another tycoon, James Wong Kim Min, for financial support. Ironically, Tiong was also said to have played a major role in the 'demise' of SNAP.
The Bintulu MP is also known to be interested in contesting the post of deputy president in the coming SPDP election in November, a position currently held by Peter Nyarok.
So far, not a single top leader from SPDP has openly given his support to Tiong over allegations that his company Kuala Dimensi Sdn Bhd has been involved in irregularities in the PKFZ scandal. None has come forth to lend credence to Tiong’s claim that the SPDP will attempt to make an entry into peninsular politics. It is the first time Sarawakians have heard of such an outlandish project.
But SPDP president William Mawan had since clarified that the party has no intention to go national and most of SPDP senior leaders are not in favour of Tiong's intention, some even telling him off. albeit behind his back.
Sarawak politicians within BN are usually quite low-keyed in their public statements. They also seem far more comfortable with political matters within the state territory of Sarawak. Their MPs do not speak out much in the Dewan Rakyat! It is hard to see how the SPDP leaders and members can operate in the very volatile contentious and often confrontational political atmosphere in Peninsular Malaysia.
SPDP is also hardly multiracial in substance. Tiong is their only Chinese wakil rakyat elected in the parliamentary constituency of Bintulu where there is an overwhelming Iban majority.
All things considered, the presence of a Sarawak political party in West Malaysia is hardly a viable proposition. It would be like asking a basketball team to go play football on a football field.
* SPDP= Serakup PEMELI DADAK PALUI
Ong’s revelation must have alarmed more than a few MCA members. MCA has lost a great deal of electoral real estate to the Pakatan Rakyat coalition in the general election last year. A multi-racial party from Sarawak could serve as a sanctuary for disaffected leaders and members, thereby weakening the MCA even more.
This revelation was confirmed by Tiong himself the next day. A Sarawak party in Peninsular Malaysia would offer an alternative for BN supporters who are unhappy with existing component parties of the BN coalition, according to him.
How credible is this bizarre scheme to bring a Sarawak party to cross the South China Sea to West Malaysla.
Tiong is probably referring to his own party, the Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP), of which he serves as treasurer. This is a splinter party that was formed in the aftermath of the de-registration of the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) in 2002. The party has four members of parliament and eight seats in the 71-seat Sarawak state assembly.
The SPDP is now in talks with another equally rural and equally Dayak-based party the Parti Rakyat Sarawak (PRS) for a merger. The talks are not expected to yield concrete results any time soon because of internal politicking within both parties.
In the eyes of many members of the Dayak intellegentia, both the SPDP and the PRS with eight state seats are the tools used by Parti Persaka Bumiputra Sarawak (PBB) headed by the Chief Minister Abdul Taib Mahmud to divide and rule the Sarawak Dayaks. PBB has 35 seats in the state assembly.
Tiong, a business tycoon who has been given the nickname “BN ATM”, has been known in Sarawak to be the man bankrolling the entire SPDP. In rural Sarawak, politics – especially during general elections – is a costly business beyond the reach of average Sarawakians. In the old days, SNAP used to depend heavily on another tycoon, James Wong Kim Min, for financial support. Ironically, Tiong was also said to have played a major role in the 'demise' of SNAP.
The Bintulu MP is also known to be interested in contesting the post of deputy president in the coming SPDP election in November, a position currently held by Peter Nyarok.
So far, not a single top leader from SPDP has openly given his support to Tiong over allegations that his company Kuala Dimensi Sdn Bhd has been involved in irregularities in the PKFZ scandal. None has come forth to lend credence to Tiong’s claim that the SPDP will attempt to make an entry into peninsular politics. It is the first time Sarawakians have heard of such an outlandish project.
But SPDP president William Mawan had since clarified that the party has no intention to go national and most of SPDP senior leaders are not in favour of Tiong's intention, some even telling him off. albeit behind his back.
Sarawak politicians within BN are usually quite low-keyed in their public statements. They also seem far more comfortable with political matters within the state territory of Sarawak. Their MPs do not speak out much in the Dewan Rakyat! It is hard to see how the SPDP leaders and members can operate in the very volatile contentious and often confrontational political atmosphere in Peninsular Malaysia.
SPDP is also hardly multiracial in substance. Tiong is their only Chinese wakil rakyat elected in the parliamentary constituency of Bintulu where there is an overwhelming Iban majority.
All things considered, the presence of a Sarawak political party in West Malaysia is hardly a viable proposition. It would be like asking a basketball team to go play football on a football field.
* SPDP= Serakup PEMELI DADAK PALUI
Sunday, August 23, 2009
MEMO BAKSAR
PERHATIAN KEPADA SISWA-SISWI SARAWAK
www.baksarupsi.blogspot.com
MINGGU PENDAFTARAN ANAK-ANAK SARAWAK
PENDAFTARAN AHLI BARU DAN LAMA
TARIKH: 26 OGOS-4 SEPTEMBER
TEMPAT: FOYER, BITARASISWA, KOLEJ KEDIAMAN & BILIK PERSATUAN
MASA: 9.00 PAGI HINGGA 5.00 PETANG
*Yuran Pendaftaran: RM10 (Wajib)
• Bagi siswa-siswi Sarawak yang belum lagi mendaftar, anda DIWAJIBKAN mendaftar bagi memudahkan pihak BAKSAR mengetahui maklumat anda. Ia sangat penting untuk kebajikan anda semua dan juga memudahkan kami menghubungi anda sekiranya ada program atau isu-isu berkaitan anak-anak Sarawak.
• Selepas anda mendaftar, anda akan diberi kad keahlian BAKSAR dan pemegang kad ini akan menikmati pelbagai kemudahan sebagai keahlian.
• Setiap Program BAKSAR selepas ini akan dibuka kepada semua anak-anak Sarawak dan setiap program akan melibatkan semua tanpa pengecualian.
• Anda boleh membuat pendaftaran dengan menghubungi atau mengambil borang keahlian di:
1) Kolej Ungku Omar- Jacob Berayun ( 0198566890) & Emmanuel Stephen ( 0139422560)
2) Kolej Harun Aminurasshid- Jessica Betie ( 0195023685) StanleyEmparang(0134646214)
3) Kolej Zaaba- Fauzan ( 0194491923) & Norshida ( 0128585607)
4) Kolej Aminuddin Baki- Romero ( 0135620151) & Jemira ( 0135914311)
5) UKLK- Kenneth ( 0138477478) & Walter ( 0148983903) & Dickson Laga ( 0135914482)
ATAU
1) Foyer Bitarasiswa
2) Bilik Persatuan ( Meja Persatuan Perpaduan)
3) Kaunter Kebajikan MPP UPSI ( Setiap Rabu)
4) Foyer KAB ( Malam)
Sebarang masalah hubungi terus:
Richard-0133370672
Samuel- 0137117477
Disediakan:
Samuel Sila Mathew Unjah
Setiausaha Agung BAKSAR “Together in BAKSAR”
PERHATIAN KEPADA SISWA-SISWI SARAWAK
www.baksarupsi.blogspot.com
MINGGU PENDAFTARAN ANAK-ANAK SARAWAK
PENDAFTARAN AHLI BARU DAN LAMA
TARIKH: 26 OGOS-4 SEPTEMBER
TEMPAT: FOYER, BITARASISWA, KOLEJ KEDIAMAN & BILIK PERSATUAN
MASA: 9.00 PAGI HINGGA 5.00 PETANG
*Yuran Pendaftaran: RM10 (Wajib)
• Bagi siswa-siswi Sarawak yang belum lagi mendaftar, anda DIWAJIBKAN mendaftar bagi memudahkan pihak BAKSAR mengetahui maklumat anda. Ia sangat penting untuk kebajikan anda semua dan juga memudahkan kami menghubungi anda sekiranya ada program atau isu-isu berkaitan anak-anak Sarawak.
• Selepas anda mendaftar, anda akan diberi kad keahlian BAKSAR dan pemegang kad ini akan menikmati pelbagai kemudahan sebagai keahlian.
• Setiap Program BAKSAR selepas ini akan dibuka kepada semua anak-anak Sarawak dan setiap program akan melibatkan semua tanpa pengecualian.
• Anda boleh membuat pendaftaran dengan menghubungi atau mengambil borang keahlian di:
1) Kolej Ungku Omar- Jacob Berayun ( 0198566890) & Emmanuel Stephen ( 0139422560)
2) Kolej Harun Aminurasshid- Jessica Betie ( 0195023685) StanleyEmparang(0134646214)
3) Kolej Zaaba- Fauzan ( 0194491923) & Norshida ( 0128585607)
4) Kolej Aminuddin Baki- Romero ( 0135620151) & Jemira ( 0135914311)
5) UKLK- Kenneth ( 0138477478) & Walter ( 0148983903) & Dickson Laga ( 0135914482)
ATAU
1) Foyer Bitarasiswa
2) Bilik Persatuan ( Meja Persatuan Perpaduan)
3) Kaunter Kebajikan MPP UPSI ( Setiap Rabu)
4) Foyer KAB ( Malam)
Sebarang masalah hubungi terus:
Richard-0133370672
Samuel- 0137117477
Disediakan:
Samuel Sila Mathew Unjah
Setiausaha Agung BAKSAR “Together in BAKSAR”
Friday, August 21, 2009
Some unfinished business: Untangling the peoples of Malaysia
When Merdeka was granted half a century ago, we inherited a number of items of unfinished business, the most critical of which was the urgent necessity to create a united Malayan nation and, soon afterwards, a Malaysian nation.
The late Tom Harrison, the famous curator of the Sarawak Museum, described Malaysia as “a tangle of peoples” in an article published in the Malaysian Outlook, a small journal I edited in Australia in 1963, in a fit of patriotism. “Konfrontasi” was in full swing then, and, given the dangerously unpredictable and volatile behaviour of Bung Karno of Indonesia, our future as a nation was by no means assured.
Harrison was not thinking so much about the Malays, Chinese and Indians of the Malay peninsula, but rather the often forgotten peoples making up the many different tribal and ethnic groups with their many different customs, religious beliefs and languages inhabiting Sabah and Sarawak. Almost overnight, they found themselves the citizens of a new and, to them, somewhat vague political creation called Malaysia. The Kadazan Dusuns, Bajaus, Punans, Penans, Kayans, Muruts and various others, I fear, still remain very much outside our consciousness, even after more than four decades of Malaysia. Need I say more about this serious lapse of memory? What national unity are we talking about without them?
When the British government responsible for the administration of these two colonial territories decided to bring to an honourable and dignified end of their stewardship and allow the sun to set on these, the last remnants of their Eastern Empire, the newly-proclaimed state of Malaysia took on not only additional responsibilities for her new citizens, but also assumed a new character and identity. National unity with which we had been preoccupied all those years before and since Merdeka took on a new urgency.
Young Malays of my generation, growing up under colonial rule, saw Merdeka as a great opportunity to bring about change, with courage, compassion and wisdom, and rectify those aspects of colonialism that we had considered repugnant to our sense justice, pride and dignity.
Creating a truly united Malayan nation was the number one item on the national agenda, one that was inspired by Tunku Abdul Rahman’s exemplary personal example of inclusiveness in which race was nothing more than an accident in the larger scheme of things Malayan, and later, Malaysian. Tunku saw strength in diversity and did everything possible to drive home the need for all races to unite as one and to show their love and affection for the country of their birth. Those were the early days of independence when the Constitution absolutely guaranteed the citizens their rights. The people felt they belonged and had full confidence in the institutions of government which remained largely unsullied. The same cannot be said of many of our national institutions today.
Looking back now over the last 50 years, we have achieved a great deal in material terms, far more than the most bullish among us would have dared to imagine. If material progress were the only measure of success in creating unity out of diversity, then we could reasonably claim to have arrived. But, have we? Or are we just postponing the evil day by papering over the cracks and glossing over issues that divide us, while ignoring the legitimate concerns, demands and aspirations of our people for a rightful place in the Malaysian sun.
The time to rediscover and re-establish our sense of Malaysian-ness is now and this can best be done by allowing the people of each community, large and small, the freedom to retain their cultural practices, traditions and values, always recognising that with freedom there is a corresponding responsibility to contribute to national unity. In matters of culture and language, people can usually be relied upon to decide for themselves. All cultures must be treated as Malaysian, and celebrated as such. They must not be politicised.
We must, for a start, accept cultural diversity, in the fullest sense, as an article of faith. Merely tolerating the cultural traditions of the other races is simply not good enough anymore for a country that, after 50 years of independence, is still groping for that elusive Malaysian identity. Our aim should be to achieve smooth and seamless integration that will stand the test of time as an essential prelude to achieving the essence of Malaysian- ness, that state of being that defies definition or description, but captures our imagination as nothing else can.
The role of education in nation building and in bringing about social and economic change is not in dispute. We have seen what investment in education has done for thousands of our people, of all races, particularly the Malays who have, within one generation, completely transformed themselves in social and economic terms.
On the debit side, the thousands of unemployable young men and women have hampered efforts to develop and improve our human capital. Our decision to downgrade English more than three decades ago has completely rendered our young people ill-equipped for employment in the new knowledge-based industries. The more serious overall consequence of our policy of neglecting the most important international language makes Malaysia a much less competitive investment destination for the higher-end technologies that could help Malaysia to leapfrog up the knowledge and value chain.
The application of some aspects of the New Economic Policy has not helped in the process of human capital development because by our depriving many non-Bumiputeras of equal educational opportunities and by discriminating against them in public sector employment, there is still today an overwhelming sense of alienation and injustice. I have always subscribed to the view that you could only justify a policy of positive discrimination if it was implemented in strict observance of the aim and spirit of that policy which was, in this case, principally to alleviate the poverty that afflicted many millions of people of all races in our community.
I have said it before, and I will say it again. When it became evident that the spirit of this great social experiment was being violated blatantly to serve the interests of the few politically connected breed of self-proclaimed Melayu Baru instead of improving the lot of the disadvantaged, the NEP tragically lost its legitimacy. But I digress. The point I am making is that unfair policies whether social or political detract from our efforts to develop and enrich our human capital with the result that the essential spirit of common heritage and shared values, of being part of an important national initiative is lost in the politics of discrimination. There is no evidence to suggest that people will give of their best, make sacrifices, and be loyal to the country of their birth when they are made to feel, rightly or wrongly, that they are second-class citizens.
National unity must be predicated on equality of opportunity, justice and equity. Anything less is unsustainable. Fifty years of Merdeka still finds us groping in a tunnel of darkness for that elusive, overarching spiritual experience that defines the essence of “Malaysian-ness”.
It would be unfair to blame the government entirely for the present state of race relations in our country. It must, however, admit that it has not always been energetic and competent in dealing with problems that are largely associated with official policies that are seen as Malay-centric. Policies affecting education, language and culture tend to generate a highly-charged emotional response, and are always divisive. Change has to be managed with compassion and imagination.
A word about our international competitiveness. A stable political system is a prerequisite as is an efficient and incorruptible bureaucracy. We need to ensure a ready supply of trained and trainable human resources, hence the need for investment in developing our human capital. But above all else, we all need to operate in an ethical way, fight and reduce corrupt practices so as to be able to attract investments to sustain our national economic development. Corruption adds a cost to doing business, and it is in our interests to reduce it so that that we can improve our competitive position.
In summary, therefore, the future of Malaysia, given its racial and cultural complexity, depends on our ability to encourage and promote unity in diversity, focus on similarities and values that unite us rather than harping on differences that divide us. We have our work cut out for us as we seek to bring about a convergence of interests as a basis for developing mutual trust, and respect for diversity in all its manifestations.
The late Tom Harrison, the famous curator of the Sarawak Museum, described Malaysia as “a tangle of peoples” in an article published in the Malaysian Outlook, a small journal I edited in Australia in 1963, in a fit of patriotism. “Konfrontasi” was in full swing then, and, given the dangerously unpredictable and volatile behaviour of Bung Karno of Indonesia, our future as a nation was by no means assured.
Harrison was not thinking so much about the Malays, Chinese and Indians of the Malay peninsula, but rather the often forgotten peoples making up the many different tribal and ethnic groups with their many different customs, religious beliefs and languages inhabiting Sabah and Sarawak. Almost overnight, they found themselves the citizens of a new and, to them, somewhat vague political creation called Malaysia. The Kadazan Dusuns, Bajaus, Punans, Penans, Kayans, Muruts and various others, I fear, still remain very much outside our consciousness, even after more than four decades of Malaysia. Need I say more about this serious lapse of memory? What national unity are we talking about without them?
When the British government responsible for the administration of these two colonial territories decided to bring to an honourable and dignified end of their stewardship and allow the sun to set on these, the last remnants of their Eastern Empire, the newly-proclaimed state of Malaysia took on not only additional responsibilities for her new citizens, but also assumed a new character and identity. National unity with which we had been preoccupied all those years before and since Merdeka took on a new urgency.
Young Malays of my generation, growing up under colonial rule, saw Merdeka as a great opportunity to bring about change, with courage, compassion and wisdom, and rectify those aspects of colonialism that we had considered repugnant to our sense justice, pride and dignity.
Creating a truly united Malayan nation was the number one item on the national agenda, one that was inspired by Tunku Abdul Rahman’s exemplary personal example of inclusiveness in which race was nothing more than an accident in the larger scheme of things Malayan, and later, Malaysian. Tunku saw strength in diversity and did everything possible to drive home the need for all races to unite as one and to show their love and affection for the country of their birth. Those were the early days of independence when the Constitution absolutely guaranteed the citizens their rights. The people felt they belonged and had full confidence in the institutions of government which remained largely unsullied. The same cannot be said of many of our national institutions today.
Looking back now over the last 50 years, we have achieved a great deal in material terms, far more than the most bullish among us would have dared to imagine. If material progress were the only measure of success in creating unity out of diversity, then we could reasonably claim to have arrived. But, have we? Or are we just postponing the evil day by papering over the cracks and glossing over issues that divide us, while ignoring the legitimate concerns, demands and aspirations of our people for a rightful place in the Malaysian sun.
The time to rediscover and re-establish our sense of Malaysian-ness is now and this can best be done by allowing the people of each community, large and small, the freedom to retain their cultural practices, traditions and values, always recognising that with freedom there is a corresponding responsibility to contribute to national unity. In matters of culture and language, people can usually be relied upon to decide for themselves. All cultures must be treated as Malaysian, and celebrated as such. They must not be politicised.
We must, for a start, accept cultural diversity, in the fullest sense, as an article of faith. Merely tolerating the cultural traditions of the other races is simply not good enough anymore for a country that, after 50 years of independence, is still groping for that elusive Malaysian identity. Our aim should be to achieve smooth and seamless integration that will stand the test of time as an essential prelude to achieving the essence of Malaysian- ness, that state of being that defies definition or description, but captures our imagination as nothing else can.
The role of education in nation building and in bringing about social and economic change is not in dispute. We have seen what investment in education has done for thousands of our people, of all races, particularly the Malays who have, within one generation, completely transformed themselves in social and economic terms.
On the debit side, the thousands of unemployable young men and women have hampered efforts to develop and improve our human capital. Our decision to downgrade English more than three decades ago has completely rendered our young people ill-equipped for employment in the new knowledge-based industries. The more serious overall consequence of our policy of neglecting the most important international language makes Malaysia a much less competitive investment destination for the higher-end technologies that could help Malaysia to leapfrog up the knowledge and value chain.
The application of some aspects of the New Economic Policy has not helped in the process of human capital development because by our depriving many non-Bumiputeras of equal educational opportunities and by discriminating against them in public sector employment, there is still today an overwhelming sense of alienation and injustice. I have always subscribed to the view that you could only justify a policy of positive discrimination if it was implemented in strict observance of the aim and spirit of that policy which was, in this case, principally to alleviate the poverty that afflicted many millions of people of all races in our community.
I have said it before, and I will say it again. When it became evident that the spirit of this great social experiment was being violated blatantly to serve the interests of the few politically connected breed of self-proclaimed Melayu Baru instead of improving the lot of the disadvantaged, the NEP tragically lost its legitimacy. But I digress. The point I am making is that unfair policies whether social or political detract from our efforts to develop and enrich our human capital with the result that the essential spirit of common heritage and shared values, of being part of an important national initiative is lost in the politics of discrimination. There is no evidence to suggest that people will give of their best, make sacrifices, and be loyal to the country of their birth when they are made to feel, rightly or wrongly, that they are second-class citizens.
National unity must be predicated on equality of opportunity, justice and equity. Anything less is unsustainable. Fifty years of Merdeka still finds us groping in a tunnel of darkness for that elusive, overarching spiritual experience that defines the essence of “Malaysian-ness”.
It would be unfair to blame the government entirely for the present state of race relations in our country. It must, however, admit that it has not always been energetic and competent in dealing with problems that are largely associated with official policies that are seen as Malay-centric. Policies affecting education, language and culture tend to generate a highly-charged emotional response, and are always divisive. Change has to be managed with compassion and imagination.
A word about our international competitiveness. A stable political system is a prerequisite as is an efficient and incorruptible bureaucracy. We need to ensure a ready supply of trained and trainable human resources, hence the need for investment in developing our human capital. But above all else, we all need to operate in an ethical way, fight and reduce corrupt practices so as to be able to attract investments to sustain our national economic development. Corruption adds a cost to doing business, and it is in our interests to reduce it so that that we can improve our competitive position.
In summary, therefore, the future of Malaysia, given its racial and cultural complexity, depends on our ability to encourage and promote unity in diversity, focus on similarities and values that unite us rather than harping on differences that divide us. We have our work cut out for us as we seek to bring about a convergence of interests as a basis for developing mutual trust, and respect for diversity in all its manifestations.
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